stalin

dictatorship and war

antarchi's picture

About two years ago, a friend in Russia said that she had long been thinking about interviewing the last survivors of the Stalin era, to see how they perceived those years, and to remind the Russian public of the full horror of what happened. She was concerned about the gradual rehabilitation of Stalin in official discourse, the return to power of Russia's secret services and the increasingly authoritarian tendencies of the Putin regime. And she was concerned that young people in today's Russia are taught almost nothing about that period of history; that almost all they know about it is from the official discourse.
I had an ulterior motive in joining her in the project - a motive which in a way was opposite to hers. I was concerned about the discourse in the 'west', where enemy dictators are identified and vilified, then separated off from the context and society in which they have come to power. I was sick of the finger-pointing, the moral high-horses, and the evil dictator discourse - whether that concerned Stalin or Hitler or Saddam or Slobodan (depending on the point the finger-pointer needed to make or the country they wanted to invade). I was sick of the idea that you remove the man and plant democracy in his place, and sick of what Jean Bricmont calls the humanitarian imperialists: self-righteous politicians, journalists and academics justifying savage bombing campaigns, illegal invasions and punitive economic sanctions in the name of human rights. Or human rights workers standing on the fence while the bombs fly.
In the 'west', dictators are the ultimate evil, along with paedophiles - and anything is justified to take them off the earth. But I wish the west (by which I mean humanitarian imperialists in the west) would take note of the other dictators, those we have supported or put into power - like Pinochet, Suharto or even Saddam in another era. I wish the west would look at daily life in a dictatorship, and daily life in an invaded, war-torn country - and then say which is best. I wish the west would ask whether a death from torture is anyway much worse than death from malnutrition or starvation, and I wish the west would look at how they (we) treat the citizens of developing nations, safely beyond our borders and safely out of reach of the human rights instruments which only apply to governments' treatment of their own citizens. I wish that we would try our own mass murderers in an international court, that we would count the victims that we are responsible for murdering in other regions of the world. We do not even bother to do that.
And I wish the humanitarian imperialists would see that if they do fail to do all this, if they fail to be informed about the crimes their own governments are committing, if they fail to shout about those crimes, and fail to keep on shouting until the crimes have stopped - then they show that they would be the ones who would be propping up dictators, had they been unfortunate enough to have been born in another part of the globe.

Kozlov, Anton Stepanovich

antarchi's picture

Velikie Luki

Interviewed by Kamila ... and Svetlana ...

My mother was a housekeeper, my father worked in a factory supplying plywood. There were 4 of us in the family: 3 brothers and one sister.

We are particularly interested in the 1930s – 1940s

I have very poor memories of that. You see I was only 6 years old. 6 years old – so I have a few childhood memories. But I remember something from my mother's stories. We didn't live badly: my father worked, we had our own smallholding, and my older brother went to school. We were still very young, we weren't at school by that time.

As far as collectivisation was concerned, or de-kulakisation, that was all fairly well organised. It was all set up after the war. Dubin was the Chairman of our kolhoz. Mama worked there, but my father died just before the Great Fatherland War. He was with the partisans and then after Belarus was liberated they transferred them all, gave them new uniforms – soldiers' uniforms – and they went off to the front. If they were healthy enough people went to the front, and the others, if they weren't healthy enough, they didn't get to go. They went back to organising the kolhoz, getting the industry back to work that had existed before the war. De-kulakisation, collectivisation – they didn't affect our family at all. No-one forced us, noone ordered us to join. Mama joined the kolkhoz straight after the war because she had 4 children to feed, to bring up and educate.

How were you told about collectivisation? How was it explained to you?

Well we had studied it at school, from books.

And how did they teach it?

They taught it like a subject... a subject. In school we were taught history and geography. There were 7 classes – there were only 4 to begin with. In the village we went to school for 4 years, then there was the 'semiletka' (7 years) and we had to study for 7 years. Some people went on to the technical college, others went on to the 8th, 9th or 10th classes. I went off to Kiev to try to study there after school, but there was very tough competition – 35 people for one place! So we didn't even bother to take the exam. We went back home and I joined the 8th class at school. I completed 10 classes, then when I was 19 I was called on to join the army. I was just 19 at that time.

As far as the period after the war goes – I remember well the years just after the war. But what happened with religion – I can't tell you anything about that. Mama went to church. They used to gather together in one village and a priest would arrive from somewhere else – that was for religious holidays. So they would come for Easter, at Christmas, and they would give a service. But the church we had in the village – that was burned down. The partisans burned it down, together with the Germans that came here. They burned the neighbouring village... burned it down. Then it was looted. Half the things were taken, they shot up the village and burned the villagers.

How did that all affect my life? Well I should say that we lived in great poverty, we were much poorer than now – but we lived more happily, it was more fun and more friendly. After the war, everything was destroyed and we all built it up again, helped one another. We helped dig the allotments and helped each other with the building work, putting everything back. It was all very friendly.

Anton Stepanovich – I remember how we visited you when I was a small child, and there were the barracks and we came and ate your food.

Was that at the station?

Yes, yes

That was the barracks from the factory. They were built before the war and the Germans didn't take them down, didn't burn them, because they were used as army barracks by them. And before the war they were used as communal living spaces for families, for bachelors – for the workers at the plywood factory. And by the way – before the war they planned to build another factory, but they didn't manage to do it in time. There were plans, preliminary investigations – but it didn't happen. I don't know what factory was planned, but there was certainly preparatory work done.

The barracks were big, large enough for the factory workers. Then in one of the quarters – they even lived there after the war. One of them they used for a school. They had 7 classes – 5th, 6th and 7th years – and we studied there. Behind the railway there was a training college, but that was shut later on and turned into the regional centre. And in the buildings where the college had been, they made a secondary school.

But that's still there, the secondary school

No – the wooden building. There was a wooden, a lovely building, semi-circular, and there was a school hall and classrooms. We studied there for 10 years, and in the barracks which had been freed up by that time. Then when they built the vegetable preserving factory, they started to put people in the empty barracks. They handed them over to people, and they built up around them, fenced them off.

Yes, yes... they did the same thing in the town. And the brick one – they wanted to do something else with that. (someone in the background)

Can you tell us, please, about Stalin himself? I mean they show mostly bad things about him on television

I understand what you are asking. The thing is, Kamilla, that we were living right after the war. Everyone had been terrified by that war, they had come back from living in the forests. And every year during Stalin's reign we used to wait for prices to be lowered – it was either for the first of April, or for the first of March. No – I think it was for the first of March; we used to wait until they brought the prices down on basic goods. First of all, straight after the war, they brought in a system for the potato harvest. Why? Because there was nothing to plough the land with – they ploughed the crops using women. I believe – I saw it myself – I used to stand behind the plough, and women pulled the plough behind them, and in turns, eight at a time, they would pull the plough. And they taught me too when I was very young, and I used to pull the plough every day, taking turns. The thing is – there weren't those...

tractors?

No – what do you call them? Machinery which could help – and anyway the war was still going on. The war was going on and we had to hold the front at the same time. So we used to receive food, and we handed it all over to those at the front. Then they changed the potato system: people worked on the kolkhozes in 'working days' (trudodni), that's how it was. Then later on they changed that too. That was a bit later on: they changed it and started to pay people wages.

And about the repression – well it didn't affect us. In our village there was no-one who was repressed by the regime – not like the KGB arriving and taking someone away. We didn't have any of that. Those people who had gone off to the front – they didn't return. Not those who had disappeared without trace, nor those who were buried out there. So you see – that didn't affect us, not in our village, at least. Then later on they began to organise the kolkhoz, and the kolkhoz received horses which were for the army. They took them off to the army to drag the cannons, and then the dud horses were given to the kolkhoz. Later on they got tractors, machinery, and things got easier. The shops started to work and all four of us were able to study.

And why did you decide to study at the institute?

At the insitute? Well after I finished school – that was in '54, I finished the 10th class and... the drivers arrived – you know, the workers – to put the forest back, to prepare it. They had machines, tractors – all sorts of machinery – and I liked what they did. They had everything they needed, and they were well equipped. In the shops they could take things on credit if they didn't have the money, then later on they would settle up when their salary was paid. They had their own DWS – Department of Working Supplies – and they lived very well. They worked at lots of different things – unloading the wagons, and lots more besides at the station – and as schoolchildren we could earn a bit in the holidays. You could get about 3 roubles for a day's work.

Yes, that was good then (in the background)

It was. I used to go there with Stepa. We always earned enough to buy books – for school books that was all settled. My Mama was completely illiterate – she couldn't even sign next to her surname. When they used to get products for a day's work – rye, potatoes – of course we grew everything ourselves. She couldn't sign next to her name, but she taught all four of us.

I finished 10 classes and wanted to go to study at the Technical Institute in Minsk, but I missed it by one point. I didn't get in, and then they took me straight into the army in 1954 – in autumn. The entrance exams were in August, I served for 3 years, and then I tried again for the Institute. Again I didn't get in. My fault I didn't get in. They sent me off to the technical college, to Irkutsk, to a military academy. I didn't get past the Commission, but that was because of my heart. My heart began to play up. So I was demobilised, and I was invited to work for the regional committee of the komsomol. Well – I decided that I needed a higher education, so I went off again to that same institute. That was in 1957, and in 1958 I was admitted, and I finished in 1963.

My older brother finished his military service, and he stayed on in the army. He served all his life in the army: he served in Nikolaev, then in Moldova, then on the Northern Float. My youngest brother, Stepka, he graduated from Makarova – that was the Makarova Institute. Then of course he died, that was a great tragedy, a huge loss for us. Then Raya and Valya, after she had finished the 10th grade at school, she went on to graduate from business college, as a part-time student, then she worked in commerce. So that's our family.

And – I mean – they ask now, what do you think: whose fault was it that... what happened in those years... I mean in Stalin's time, after Stalin?

God knows... maybe you could look at it this way, knowing what was happening at the time, in Stalin's time. The thing is that the people around Stalin weren't exactly squeaky clean, and they forced him to be on the wrong side – to keep his guard up all the time, because there were kulaks and rich landowners, and there were traitors, you see, among the people. And it was like that all the time. And he was, you know, all that... and then Beria, Yagoda, and the others... Vishinsky... they were right next to him... and they were obviously... but he kept them in his sight and was anxious to keep everything in its right place.

Yes – to keep discipline. And they were giving him the wrong information, in order to 'decapitate' the government, and the ministry of defence – and the whole country. They used to come and report to him all sorts of rubbish – and he was ambitious, sure of himself, he thought he was infallible – and because of that, he would just give the command to remove someone, once and for all.

So that they didn't get in his way?

Yes, that's right, so that they didn't interfere. That was true, you know, for Kalinin's wife, for Molotov's, and the wives of other leaders. Just as soon as ... you know: 'something from the west – aha! Need to get rid of that, that's an enemy of the people!'

They didn't bother to sort things out

That's right. No sorting things out.

But what do you think – could it all have been avoided, or was it just the way things went historically, and we shouldn't bother to question it?

It's hard to say, Sveta. I mean imagine if your neighbour said to another neighbour that 'well Sveta... you know... she's like that, like that, and such-and-such, and this and that... how are you going to look at her?

Yes, of course

//You meet up, you ask her 'what's all this about?' Right?

Well, yes

'What did I do wrong to you?'. And the person was influential, and they were egging him on ... 'aha! that load of rubbish! Remove it!'. That's what they did.

Anton Stepanovich – tell us what you think: what are your impressions if you compare what it was like then, with now. Which was better, when was it better, in your opinion?

In my view, it was better before – up until the beginning of the 21st century. Life was easier, although of course there were lots of things we didn't have enough of, but we were never actually deprived. We could buy things in installments from the shops – furniture, crockery, clothing – because people didn't have the full amount, so we were able to pay in installments. And now you go to the shops – even telephone prices on their own price tags! Telephone prices. Of course if you compare the two, we lived much more happily then. We used to go and visit each other, there were national holidays, birthdays, and we used to go to places, we lived more happily. And now everyone has shut themselves into their own little shoe box, and lives like a mole. I'll repeat myself, but we lived more happily then. Now if you want to go and visit someone, you have to auction off your smallholding, because a bottle of vodka costs 90 roubles. And that's not something we've just dreamed up, that's a tradition which goes back to the beginning of time.

Wow

Man can't live alone – he just can't.

Can you tell us – when you were between the ages of 10 and 15, where did you live, and where did you start work?

I started to work from the age of 13.

Which year was that?

That was in '54. Even from 10 years' old, that was.

That was after the war, was it?

Yes. I used to drag the hay to the 3rd sector. So there were 3 haystacks for the kolkhoz, and the fourth one was for you. I used to scythe. When my grandfather was alive, he taught me how to use the scythe. I was in front and he was behind.

A back-up?

That's right. So I learned, and I scythed. We had a cow and a horse, and Mama used to feed two pigs – but we had to live somehow.

Of course

You see. Then when I left and was accepted at the Institute – I arrived, and then straight after the entrance exams, I was accepted and I went back home. And I said 'Mama, I've got into the Institute'. And she said 'well done, well done – for getting into the institute. But what are you going to do?' And I said 'I'm going to be an engineer, Mama'. 'Wonderful, my son – but how long do you have to study for?' I said 5 years, and she said nothing at all.

That's because you were going to study, rather than work? (laughing)

Yes. She was silent, and I said 'why don't you say anything Mama?', and she said 'well you know, my boy, I thought it was less time. What sort of help is it to me... but never mind. It's all right'.

There was no money, but Stepka helped me a lot. When he went off to sea, he used to go for about 6 months – for several months he was away. He would leave a statement with his accountant in Riga, and then they transferred the money to me in Minsk, from his salary, and I got an allowance. It was his money, but I managed to top it up: I used to help unload the goods trains, but I had to live somehow.

You know that now they say it was a harsh, cruel time, and that there was terrible violence against people.

Oh – I don't know. I felt no violence at all, not a thing. At least in our family, no-one was forced to do anything. We worked modestly, got on with things, we studied, and modestly, sincerely carried out our duties – just as every soviet person was meant to do. It's now that they say that it was forced, that it was violent, that people were subjected to violence, made to do things, humiliated, insulted. But now people are insulted and humiliated .twice as much. If there was something I wasn't able to receive, or I had some sort of difficulty, or something else – I could go and complain to someone. And they would pick up the phone right away and ask 'why did one of your workers come and see us? Why can't you resolve this issue yourself?' And now you go off – of course you can go off – but no-one is going to talk to with you, you won't get through to anyone. Try to get hold of the local governor and he's either busy, some meeting or other, a round table, something else. God knows.

So you think that your life has changed for the worse, do you?

No – I wouldn't say for the worse. Why not? Because I taught my two children, I told them both – the first and the second – I set them right, and now I don't need anything or anyone. I get my pension, I still work for the time being – and if they say 'clear off' then I'll clear off. It's that sort of time. So.

//We'll live!

We will. Whatever happens, we want to live.

What about the Iron Curtain – that there was such isolation?

The Iron Curtain was there in what sense, Kamila: counterespionage, the KGB, special sections... They were engaged in those sort of questions, so that the secrets of the Soviet Union didn't leave the country, because even those who came over here, they were interested in, and they were divided into left and right, so as to clarify things. And our lot checked them for loyalty, for their attitude to the Soviet Union. They were checked for loyalty. You had to know which ones you could let out of the country, clean or not, otherwise someone could go off and yap about the Soviet Union. The bread you ate; the bread that taught you, brought you up, educated you – maybe you would go abroad and someone would tempt you with something, and you betray it all. Of course that was interesting to them – at any rate it made the Soviet authorities nervous, but I'm saying to you that all of that was happening from the very beginning of the formation of the Soviet Union, and right up until the end, up till the 'restructuring' (perestroika). But what could they rebuild, restructure, when nothing had been done. They had done nothing in order to rebuild it.

Smashed it down, not build it up

Yes – they went on 'rebuilding', and in the meantime the airoplanes are breaking up and the ships are sinking, and the steamers – and everything that was done 15–20 years ago. Now they are sinking everything, killing it off.

And even in the family – I mean did you talk about the negative aspects at all?

(laughing) Those questions, Kamila, that's only for when we get together, some time or another. But now it's just a question of work – it's not our business. Let them solve those questions there, at the top, as they think best.

Do you think that people have become closer to politics?

That's all far away – now, Kamila, the only thing people are concerned about it is themselves. Everyone for himself, even in the government, where there is everything. Over there it's like the forest – noises, noises, and down below it's all quite quiet. The noise is only at the top.

It's just for show, really

That's right. They shout at each other, and that's how it's meant to be. Why shouldn't everyone know that we are fighting for the good of the people. Now – which other questions are you interested in?

//That's probably it, thank you so much. (Laughing). We have been at the home of Kozlov, Anton Stepanovich today.

Pavel Adelgejm

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Pavel Adelgejm

Pskov

Year of birth: 1938

Interviewed by Nastya Mikshevich, Liuba Ploshednova, Anya Mihailusova, Nadezhda Egorovna

4th February, 2007


Tell us about your parents please.

Well: my grandfather... I think I should start from there. My grandfather was German, he lived I don't know when – either during Ekaterina the Great's reign or in Peter the Great's, but he came to live in Russia. His roots can be traced back to the Baltics... 3 books exist about his surname. Even Walter Scott, in Ivanhoe, and – what was it called – 'The Lazy Cavalier'. There were obviously roots in different countries – you can find them in France too. The names are slightly changed, they would have been...

Well, anyway, my grandfather lived in Russia, and he was educated abroad as an engineer. A good education, evidently, because he built a whole lot of factories not far from Kiev. There was a china factory, and in Glukhovtsi a sugar factory and one where icons were made. There were lots of them. Then when the Revolution happened – he stayed on as Director of the factory for another 10 years after 1917. In 1927 – 1928 he was asked to set up the same factory in Vilnius, and he did that – as chief engineer in both places, and then later on as the Director of both factories.

Then in 1938, he decided to visit his family, because they had stayed behind in Kiev, on Rejtarskij St. They were living in very squashed conditions: there were only 2 rooms left from the original house. In one of the rooms lived a housemaid and her daughter, and in the other our grandmother lived. When he came back, the housemaid informed on him,and they took him away, and then after 2 months, after Epiphany, they gave a service for him. They'd delivered a package for him, you see, and they just returned his things and said he had died. So that was the fate of one of my grandfathers – he died. My grandmother, after that, and when the war started, she decided to leave the country. Of course she wasn't able to go anywhere at all. She fell very ill and ended up in a small shack, and in the yard by that shack she passed away.

That was on my father's side, and then on my mother's side my grandfather was Nikanor Pilaev. He studied at the military academy and was a colonel in the Tsar's army, but his fate ended after the Revolution. And my grandmother lived in Moscow.

So now about my father: all children of the repressed were taken up by strangers and given into slavery. They had no right to study in higher educational institutions, and they were deprived of lots of other civil rights as well. But he was a very talented person, he was a poet – he wrote lots of poetry. But his life was cut short at an early age: he wasn't even 30.

I remember I went to a meeting – a round table – at the history department, and I looked out all the old documents. I prepared photographs, and then when I went home again, I put everything back where it should be (he shows some photographs). My father wasn't able to study further, although he wanted to be an engineer as well, like his father. They refused him – they refused him at the entrance exam. The only place he was able to study was at the Studio Simonova, at the Vakhtang Theatre. He qualified at the theatrical institute, and that was where he met my mother. They got married there. Then they left for the town of Ivanovo, and he became Director of the regional theatre company.

In Ivanovo, when the war started, they arrested them – 15 of them were arrested, accused of espionage and treason. Out of the 15, 5 were shot. Then after some years, when things started to come apart, it turned out that except for the statements that they had made themselves, there was no basis at all for the accusations. Only what they had blurted out themselves – and they said what they did for perfectly understandable reasons. The first time they were questioned, they answered normally. But then from the second time onwards, they started to cover themselves with whatever they could think of, put up smoke screens. Then when the whole thing unwound – particularly because all the documents of the German secret service were revealed – and my mother was sent to prison, and I was left alone. I was just 2 1/2 by then. I ended up in a children's home, then we were exiled to Kazakhstan. We lived there until 1953, until Stalin died – there were enormous numbers of people settled there, huge numbers of de-kulakised people. My mother was released later on.

My wife had a completely different fate. Quite opposite. Her grandfather fought at the front, and strange though it may seem, he got through the whole war and returned home without even a wound. But his 3 sons died at the front.

Can you tell us anything about the 1930s and 1940s?

I was only born in 1938, so I can't tell you anything about that. But about the 1940s...-

When you were in the children's home, did you keep your name and surname?

Of course.

How did people treat you there?

There were lots of children like that. Then I entered the Kiev-Pechersky Monastery – I was a lay-brother there. After that I went into the seminary, studied there for 3 years, and then they didn't exactly ban me, but asked me to leave. Then I went off to Tashkent, worked there and built a cathedral – although at that time it was forbidden. I was imprisoned for anti-soviet activities. One of my classmates from the Seminary wrote an official complaint about me to the Committee for State Security, saying that I had refused to sing the Soviet national anthem. The fact is that at that time, that anthem was forbidden: it wasn't just at the seminary that people didn't sing it, but even in the politburo. We were meant to study all members of the Party, know everything about them and in every detail. I was sent to prison in 1969. I spent a year in an underground cell, then I was sent off to a prison camp. I was in 4 different camps...

Then later on, they started to rehabilitate people: they rehabilitated my grandfather, my father, mother, and then they overturned my conviction, according to the criteria for rehabilitation. Now they need to rehabilitate my son, as the child of someone who was repressed.

Children of the repressed – that's a terrible thing, because it can even be felt in school, in the way people behaved. I was completely indifferent to Soviet power: I didn't share its outlook and felt no love towards it at all. In general, you should never love the state, you can only love the fatherland. Soviet ideology always connected those two concepts, but in fact it had in mind the state. We were under the impression that we should love the state. Soviet power treated us as enemies – not because of something we had done, but because according to its own psychology, if someone's parents had been murdered, their family destroyed, then that person would be bitter, angry, full of malice. But this is where they were mistaken: we bore no malice, because we were Christians. For Christians, revenge is a sin. We had a peaceful attitude towards the state, a human relationship towards it.

What did you know about de-kulakisation and about collectivisation?

The thing is – I not only knew about it, but I saw and heard those people. My wife could tell you more about de-kulakisation than I can. Her family was not a rich one. They had 3 horses, some land, and grandfather built the house with his own hands. It was a large family. The village was a small one, with a population of 15,000. They wanted grandfather to join the kolkhoz but he refused, categorically. And he said categorically, that no-one from his family was going anywhere.

They took the ropes away – they wove these themselves. They took the horses, the plough... They took everything, and left them with nothing. Then during Khruschev's time – in general, strange things happened at that time. They took the plough and ploughed the land around the house. They couldn't have even one small seed-bed: they had to go and work in the kolkhoz. In front of every house there were large areas of land which couldn't be used. The land stood empty for many, many years. That's what an interesting government we had. You could respect it, or you could laugh at it. In fact, at the time, we used to joke that that was the only form of our relation with the authorities.

Can you tell us about religion?

That's a question it's hard to answer briefly. Beginning with Lenin – all the documents have been made available by now – the authorities in charge of the country made it their aim to eliminate the church completely. But despite the fearful, iron will of the state, it was still unable to deal with religion. In other words: history repeated itself. The Roman state had tried to eliminate Christianity – there were thousands of martyrs. They died, but their blood turned out to be the seeds of Christianity, and that iron state cracked, it became a Christian one. Then exactly the same happened with the Soviet state. It seemed that everything had been reduced to nothing: in Russia there were 80,000 cathedrals, and only 150 remained by the beginning of the war. The five-year period which was to end with the start of the war was even called the 'Godless Five-Year Plan'. By 1941, the church should have been uprooted in its entirety, but instead – the war began. Stalin turned to the country and said 'Brothers and Sisters...' In other words, he spoke for the first time in the language of Christianity. He was very alarmed in the month of October, very scared. In that manner, when the war ended, the church began to be revived.

But there was terrible legislation concerning the Church. There was a revival of spirituality, of the clergy, but among them more than 300,000 were eliminated for 'insubordination'. From every generation of priests, I think they all went to the prison camps.

After the Great Fatherland War, a completely different era began (1947 – 1949). Stalin began to rely for help on the Orthodox Church, he tried to build relations with it. Until the death of Stalin, relations between the Church and State were quite tolerable. But from 1953, very many people had to turn away from religion, from being Christened. This would begin and end very suddenly, because different people would come to power with a different set of aims objectives. So it's hard to explain it all in the same way. But in general, they were all inclined towards atheism. Of course, there wouldn't have been any fuss about Christians if they could have worshiped idols or emperors, but Christians will worship only God. In Brezhnev and Khrushchev's time the situation with the Church was very difficult. And when Gorbachev started talking about some sort of rights and freedoms, this sounded very strange to me – completely unbelievable. Then the 'thaw' began (this was about 1988) and continued until 1992. Then again we began to feel the pressure.

And now this apparent flourishing of the church, all this building of cathedrals is quite unnecessary. There are some places where there is no church at all, where people have been starved of the church's words, of christianity. In Pskov, though, we have a different situation: we have 30,000 churches for 700,000 people. This is the only Russian town with such an enormous number of churches – not Moscow, not Saint Petersburg, but right here in Pskov!

Can you tell us whether people at that time were able to change their place of residence, or of work?

Not everyone. Many people didn't want to get a passport, and it turned out that the passport is the only way to live a normal life. The entire rural population was without passports. In the cities people could move from one town to another, and there was no problem with that. Well – in Moscow you needed a propiska, and in Saint Petersburg, but for the other towns, you could move between them freely. But of course – times were different, and there were different epochs. As far as the villages were concerned, everyone there was tied, bonded. Take my life, for example: when I met my future wife, it took us 3 days to register our marriage, and just because they wouldn't give her a passport straight away. They just delayed it, just for a while. Then later on she joined the Komsomol, so that she could leave the village on one of their permits. Boys could get passports after they had served in the army, and girls by joining the Komsomol. People from the villages began to try desperately to leave – for anywhere they could – just in order to escape. Later on it became unbelievably difficult.

But the thing is that I was very young then – I don't really remember. Then during Khrushchev's time I was a priest and I lived a life of religion. If you compare the state of the Church then and now, then I would say it was better in Khrushchev's time. The unfortunate times joined us together. I could go to the Bishop and tell him everything that was worrying me, and he would listen to me with his full attention. But now there is none of that: he lives in a world where there are no moral demands, and is wholly unconcerned with theological matters. In religious life today there is commerce, there is politics. Religious life, unfortunately, has lost a great deal. On the outside, the churches are decorated, painted; but on the inside we are losing our spiritual life.Before, when I was a priest in Karagand, religious services were forbidden, and we all used to gather in some house or another at around 10.00, and we would pray until 5.00 in the morning. All together. In Tashkent, the same thing happened: there was an intense spiritual life in the cathedral.

When did you decide you wanted to be a Priest?

I just happened on a wonderful church community, and I used to travel there regularly. There was a wonderful Father there – he was renowned. So there was – I mean it was forbidden to give religious services, forbidden to preach, but we used to meet in different houses every evening. Somewhere around 10.00 the service would begin, and around 5.00 it ended.

He wasn't very old – about 58, I think. He would read the service all night. At 5.00 in the morning it would end, and we would drink cups of tea, then obviously we all went to sleep – and he would go on to another house. And I remember one little house...

Where else did you serve as a priest?

I was in Koroleva. I had my own parish - unofficial, of course - and officially I served in Pskov... There wasn't a church, there was a small benefice, a community of about 25 people.

Can you tell us what you think when you compare life in those days with today?

You know – there used to be a joke about new times – 'We live like dogs: the chain is longer than it was, but everyone steals from everyone else, and it isn't clear who to bark at'. Of course – today we

live in a mad bazaar, and soon life will be terrifying. In those days there was order, but no-one had the right to express his opinion. Everyone was well-fed, clothed and shoes on their feet. But everyone looks at it in a different way. In our day, we needed books – and they didn't just sit on the shelves, we read them, and read them, all night long. Literature was rare: we had to snap it up, and people were ready to give whatever was needed to get it. My wife typed out whole books of Akhmatova, Tsvetaeva, Ivanov, Lewis – everything that was forbidden.

Thank you – you have answered all our questions!

My pleasure.

Evdokia Zaharovna

antarchi's picture

Velikie Luki

It's the 12th October, 6.10, and we are at the home of Evdokia Zaharovna

What shall I start with?

Tell us about your family, your parents and grandparents

I was born in a village. My parents – father was in the army. He was a communist in 1917. ?here.

What was his name?

Zahar Dmitrievich. I was brought up with my grandmother and grandfather. There was my great grandmother too, she was over 100. A very large family. My father worked all the time.

Where did he work?

He was at the front, then he became a communist, there at the front. He was awarded a silver cross for the first Civil War. He got a medal. Then I lived in the village, till about the 4th class. I lived there all the time.

Which region?

Ryazan, Barsuka village. I went to school in the first class. Our village was very small and the school was 20 kilometres away. There were 30 houses and very few children. There was a landowner – he lived separately. We lived in a wooden house, and the teacher was cruel, very cruel. One little boy hadn't done his homework and she hit him on the head with a ruler. Hit him so that the blood flowed. That's what she was like. I studied there for 7 years, and then the revolution ended – there was a revolution, you know. I remember it well, we used to go around at school, as little girls: 'Down with the Tsar! Down with the Tsar!' Everyone did that.

Which year did you start school?

What? In the eighth class.

When you were eight?

Yes, 8 years old. I went to school... I passed my exams, and then I left school. We used to be very active as komsomol members, we did lots of sport. And we did dancing. They knocked the church down, smashed it... We did lots of sport... lots of sport... and of course, young people used to organise meetings. Then my father was transferred to ... to that town – it's called Spas now. So I went to school till the 8th class, finished school, and went straight off to college in Ryazan, to the teacher training college. I wanted to go to medical college, but father wouldn't let me. But at medical college I was also in the komsomol, I was one of the ones in charge. And then the theatre – I had a good voice, I sang well, I even did things there.

Performances?

Group performances. But then when I finished college, I was sent off – they sent me off – or rather, I didn't finish college. I was in the 4th year and then [the war?] started. There weren't enough teachers, and there was great demand. I didn't finish college, but there were 4 komsomol members from the college and on the 30th January they released us from studies and sent us off to different villages.

Which year was that?

I don't remember... they sent me off and others to other villages. But I got a good one. There were workers there and a sovhoz (state farm). In the day time I worked at school, and in the evenings I worked with illiterate people. I had a difficult group, and I should have had a second one as well. We all had to have 2 groups because we had to finish our studies – we hadn't finished.

Three teachers left before I got there, and I was the only one to arrive. To start with they would fight, fight with each other, and I would sit there, silently. Then I say to them – 'OK lads, that's it, that's enough fighting'. They were silent, they didn't say anything. 'Ah well... alright, I understand: you don't want to study, don't want to learn. That's fine, so I'm off now lads, good bye, I'm off'. They say – 'No, no, don't think that – we won't fight any more'. 'Well', I say, 'don't just give me your word for it, give me your word as pioneers'. So they gave me their word as pioneers, and then I started to work with them seriously. In the breaks they did a lot of sport, and they changed completely. Became quite different lads.

You taught grammar and sport?

We did sport at the weekends, and in breaks. I would let them out for break, they took a rest, and I did some sport with them – we really liked that. And you know what – they used to do pyramids. Lots of that. So I worked for a year there, then they called me up and asked me to work as an inspector.

Yes – that was good. They sent me to Moscow, and I studied for another month there. But when I worked in the villages, that was really awful. Collectivisation. I was a komsomol member and they sent me all over the place. Once they arrived and told me to go and get my things ready. It was evening already and I asked them 'Where to?'. They said 'You're coming with us', and I said 'I'm not going anywhere at all. I need to go to work tomorrow'. 'Yes you are – go and get your things'. So we drove and drove, and all along the road they were shooting at us.

Then afterwards I worked a lot in the organisation of the kolkhoz. That's what it was like. Then they always made sure I sat away from the window.

What – because of the shooting?

Yes – so that I stayed alive. Well – there were times when the women all met together. It was very difficult – they were shouting, fighting, the men were swearing. Lots of times we actually had to close the meeting. But once I managed to take control: I said 'Alright, let's all swear. I can swear too. I can swear, so let's swear together. But I'm not sure what good it will do: we won't build the kolkhoz on swear words'. Well, we talked a bit, and then we all split up. One of the other teachers says to me, 'Come and stay the night', so I say 'Alright, let's go'. The komsomol members were keeping watch all the time, so we went off to the school with her. And there were stones flying around my head, stones they were throwing at me, all over the place. So on the second day I sat down and I thought...

I thought: I need a plan. I need a plan for what I do tomorrow, because tomorrow we have to have another meeting. We hadn't made any decisions, hadn't decided anything. So I think: tomorrow I'm going to battle with them again. Again I'll have to swear with them.

So we voted for the chairmen and the secretaries of the party organisations. I say to them – 'Well come on then, let's do some swearing and get going'. But they all shouted and shouted and I say 'You're going to be shouting for a long time, shall we try to get something done? Come on, really, it'll be fun to work', I say to them. Well – at long last, an intelligent person came forward. And it wasn't a bad meeting.

The kolkhoz?

Yes – only gradually, of course, we had to make note of all the animals. So I went home, got in the door – and everything should have been alright only I didn't feel calm. You understand – I just didn't feel at ease.

And the school was built on a high level, very high, so that you couldn't have climbed up. And I can hear that someone is climbing up... they knock at the door, and I just turned, and there was a shot. If I'd been sitting down there, I wouldn't have been alive.

And there are children there, and I'm alive. And the children sent messages, rang around to say that I'd been killed, and a whole brigade was sent to find me – and saw me alive. That's how it all was.

And that was all in Ryazan oblast?

Ryazan. Then I left Ryazan and worked regularly not as a teacher but as – what's it called?

In the organisation?

As inspector. But I worked for schools all the time. I did everything, helped the young teachers, told them how to run lessons. And even the older ones too – I could give them a few tips. Some of them had been learning for 30 years. I was intimidated – I was only 30, I was even scared of teaching. I sat still and didn't go to work: I wasn't going to be an inspector, and that was that. Then they wanted to make me the Deputy Head of the regional education authority – but they didn't, of course. I didn't want to. And then there was wartime recruitment.

Of course, I'd just got married and my husband was serving in Leningrad in the army. Mama came to visit me and she said 'Come on, let's go', but they wouldn't let me go. 'You're not going! We've got no-one to work, there's lots to do'. And they wouldn't let anyone go. I decided to go: I bought a ticket and left without any of my documents.

her daughter asks: Where did you go, Mama?

To Suzdal.... So I arrived and they sent me off straight away. I worked in the school there – they made me Director (head teacher). Then the war started.

My husband – he was sent away.

The Great Fatherland War [2nd World War]?

Yes. My husband... he was sent away, he should have finished in the army, but they kept him – and he took me with him. So I worked in Leningrad, in a school, early years. Then I fell ill... No – then they took me into the regional section of the Party, and I worked there. I was in charge of documents: I wrote out tickets and checked everything over. But then I had a terrible misfortune. My little girl died, then a second one died, and I became very ill. The doctors – local neurologists – said they couldn't cure me. They sent me to the Behterev Institute, where there was a department of psychiatry, and I stayed there for 2 years. I was in such a state that my head was quite messed up. They wanted to open up my skull, but I wouldn't let them. I'd rather die... 'Keep away from me.. I won't let you'. Anyway, they cured me there – cured me with everything under the sun. I was a mass of injections, all sorts of different medical machines, tablets...

and? Did it help?

(inaudible) Then they sent me off for a rest cure, to Gelendzhik. I stayed there for a while.

Did that cure you?

And then, in Leningrad... I went back there. Later on they sent my husband to the border, to Karelia... I've forgotten where it was.

Sestroretsk

No – the place in Karelia.

aha. Well it doesn't matter.

No – it's not important.

I arrived there – I hadn't been there for 2 whole years. They got us all together, all the women, and they said 'Come on, let's do some teaching. There are lots of illiterate women, and we haven't got any teachers. There isn't one. Maybe there's someone among you who's a teacher'. And I stuck my neck out and said 'I'm a teacher. I've got a degree'. They said to me 'Alright. So you're going to teach everyone'. I said I could only teach the illiterates 'I can't teach that lot'. Well, anyway, they found two more and we worked together. Then they wanted to choose me to be head of the kolhoz. I said nothing... I mean I don't know any Korean [sic?]. I said 'I can't do it'. And they said to me: 'You just show us what to do and we'll do it'. So I had to work.

Did you work as head of the kolhoz then?

I did, but I worked just for a short while, and then the war started. We went off into the forest one day for mushrooms – and there were so many of them. So, so many. So anyway, we went into the forest, and we're just walking along as if nothing is happening, and we got right to the Finnish border. We got to the border, and we were captured. Of course it wasn't the Finns that captured us, but our border guards. They shouted at us of course, and then took us...

Can you tell us – when you compare life in those days with life today, which was better? Do they differ in significant ways, and was it better then or now?

I lived well then, and I live well now. I live like a duchess now! It's good to be with someone, isn't that right? It's true – I don't work now, and that bothers me. I want to work, but I can't. I just sat down on the floor here, I felt terrible. I felt as if I was dying, everything was being taken from me. 'Well what on earth is this then! I won't lie down, not for anything in the world'. I'm alone alone in the flat and I shout out: 'I'm not going to die, not for all the money in the world! I'll get up off the floor, and I'll be fine, and you know – what am I dying for anyway? I've got two lovely grandsons and I need to watch how they are going to grow up.' So I got up, and I was perfectly alright.

Which times in your life were the best for you?

Oh – you know: I've lived through so much. Of course I've been very spoiled.

Which were the happiest years Mama? (her daughter asking)

Ah – the happiest?

Which years?

I'm alright. I worked all my life. For as long as I could, I worked.

Can you tell us about events connected with Stalin? Who did people blame? Those people who were arrested... people you knew, people in your circle, who did they blame?

Those who deserved it – them, of course. They should definitely be blamed. They lived among us, some of them used to come and see me. Communists used to come to me with false documents. But some of the others – well of course.

They ended up there by mistake, you mean?

Yes. But those that did it, they should be blamed.

Was Stalin blamed for the repression?

I don't remember.

Was Stalin blamed at that time for the repression?

I don't remember that. Some people said that it was wrong to blame Stalin, I heard that from some people. Someone asked me once, one of our communists in Suzdal asked me what I think about Stalin, and I said that he had never done anything to hurt me. And what he did, it must have been necessary – because. It must have been necessary, because you don't just take a person away for no reason.

Well... it's not certain

Not certain!

Lots of innocent people were arrested

No – you know what.

Perhaps it wasn't so much Stalin that was responsible

No, you know – what was he called... Beria was the one who was responsible. Beria. Beria – that was a real animal. I didn't like him. He just chased after the ladies.

Is that right?

Of course.

And what was people's reaction when Stalin died?

We all cried.

daughter speaks: I remember – I was at school then. The school was very small and we had a special wall in the hall, and they got us all together and announced a minute's silence – and everyone cried. Then in the street – the people flooded into the streets. There was a loud speaker, and everyone gathered and we all cried. It was a national holiday.

grandmother again: You know what I think. One person can't be responsible for all that. There was a whole department. Really.

Well, yes. And can you tell us – are you a religious person? Did you go to church?

Yes, I am, I used to go to church on anniversaries, then I stopped going.

The church was taken down, is that right?

No – I didn't do anything.

But you saw it?

Yes, I saw it – it was in front of the school. The children tore it down. And in Suzdal there were 34 churches. I don't know how they did that.

daughter: 33 churches, Mama.

33?

daughter: 33, and only one of them was functioning.

Grandmother: Well... they loaded everything up, put it all into one place.

And what happened with those who worked in the churches, priests?

Oh I don't know about that. I didn't hear anything. I left Suzdal.

What did the (Communist) Party mean for you at that time? Did you believe in Communism?

I believed, and I did everything I was meant to do. I was 50 years in the Party. I've got a medal for it.

What did your parents do?

My mother was Praskovya Mihailovna – she worked at home. Looked after the land we had.

And your father?

daughter: He was a member of parliament, isn't that right, Mama?

I don't know. She was at home all the time. She had 6 children.

And your father?

He was in the army. They took him away, and we never saw him. He met Stalin, he fought with him.

Really!

And he knew Lenin, and he knew Krupskaya.

And you?

Well – she came to visit us. And she was very simple, ordinary. I went up to her and I said 'Could I talk to you please?' and she said 'Come and see me tomorrow, and we shall talk'. Well I went to see her on the following day, but she had already gone, she'd left. They had told her to go, and she left. And then in Suzdal they used to call me Krupskaya! (laughs)

And you met Yesenin as well?

No – I didn't actually meet him. He courted my friend for a while, that's what happened. But I never met him.

Very interesting

Yes – my story is long. Wherever I've been, I have been happy. I remember they sent me from one village to a different one, I was working for the MVD (home office), and I had to find something out. And the river was flooded, very flooded... and I set off, I was very tired. I thought – if I cross it, I'll drown. You had to jump from one piece of ice to another. Well I did it in the end, I jumped, and I was alright. Then they told me later on – we'll take you across next time. But who I worked with, I can't remember.

Well of course, with your age.

No – it's my head... I don't remember anything.

And all your documents are lost? Have you got nothing left?

I have my Party membership card.

Can we photograph it? Do you remember what you received it for?

Of course you can. I don't remember... I went somewhere... I don't remember, honestly.

Miliushenkov, Vasily Filippovich

antarchi's picture

Pskov region
23 November, 2006
Could you tell us your date of birth and who your parents and grandparents were, please?
26th April, 1932. My grandparents – I don't remember. Well of course they worked the land. Worked in the fields, cut the hay, cleared the land.
We're interested in the 1930s and 1940s, what do you remember about that period?
Well I was born in 1932. I was 9 years old during the war.
And what do you remember about those years?
Well until the war, we lived a normal life, that's what it seems to me. Earned enough money, we had bread, potatoes – and then the war started.
So there was no problem with famine?
No, none of that.
What about the de-kulakisation and collectivisation?
No – it was in 1935 that people started to join the kolkhoz. I don't know. I didn't see anything else.
So your parents didn't tell you anything about de-kulakisation?
No. We lived in the countryside. There were those smallholdings... and later on they shot them all. Yes, so there was that.
What was the name of your village?
Urdaki.
So you don't remember anything about collectivisation?
I don't remember. I saw real collectivisation only in the cinema. But apart from that, no.
So your parents really told you nothing about it?
Well my parents were kolkhozniki
What about totalitarianism, the Stalin regime? Did that affect your family at all, or maybe someone you knew?
Totalitarianism – no, it didn't.
What do you think about the repression at that time – did you know anything about that?
Well – only about Stalin's repression? There wasn't any of that. We had one person who went to prison – Pavel – and he sang songs about Stalin. They gave him 5 years.
So they gave him 5 years for singing songs about Stalin?
Well – he sang a serenade.
Sort of comical?
Well, yes. Everyone was like that... and then that was it. He wasn't there any more. But that was just before the war. After the war he'd already done his time.
I see. And what do you think about that? You probably know that in other towns there was repression, that people suffered?
I don't know.
Maybe you heard something about it after the war?
During collectivisation, my aunt's husband – he didn't want to join the kolkhoz. I don't know what happened. They took him away and he didn't appear again. Disappeared. Well, that was when the Stalinist repression was.
...
Do you remember anything about the war?
About the war? Well I remember how they took my father off to the town, and then after a while the Germans started to retreat. Then my father came back... then I didn't see him again.
He died, did he?
No – most likely he didn't die.
Where were you during the war?
At home, in the village. Everyone was evacuated – or rather, they left of their own accord, but my mother was sick. There were six of us.
What about the Germans – did they get to your village?
The Germans were here, but they didn't behave particularly badly. I remember they marched for a whole day to get to our village, they reached us.
What was life like during the war?
What was it like? Well there was a famine. Our hens were stolen, the pigs were killed.
Can you tell us what you think now about the repression? Was it necessary?
No, of course not. How could it be necessary. Of course I'm against it.
So you don't think it was justified?
I don't
Do you think it could have been avoided?
Well I don't know – of course it could have been.
How?
So that they didn't take you, you mean?
Well, so that the repression didn't happen at all
You had to keep quiet, say nothing. Then you stayed in one piece.
But lots of people kept quiet, everyone was afraid. What did you think of Stalin himself? Were you afraid of him or did you respect him?
You know, I'll tell you. I served in the army for 3 years during Stalin's time. In the army it was good in those days. Now they kill people. What sort of an army is that.
And what about Stalin?
Of course everyone was afraid of him. When Stalin died, I was still in the army and the Lieutenant came to us and said 'take off your hats, Stalin is dead'.
What was the reaction of most people?
Well most people did react; in the army it was all quite calm. ????????? ????
So there weren't strong feelings in the army?
No, no.
Tell us what you think when you compare life today, and life at that time? Which was better?
Well – what can I say. I'm not used to it yet. Things get better and better. But I didn't agree with it all before.
So you think...?
It's harder now.
Life was easier then?
Of course it was.
Do you think anything has improved?
No. For us, for poor people, it's just got worse. I have a pension of 3,000 roubles: what do you think – that I want to start working again?
What about the deficits before – today there's everything in the shops
Well – there used to be long queues in the shops for kolbasa (salami) – but we queued, didn't we.
And was it not problematic that you couldn't say whatever you liked?
I wasn't prevented then: I always say what I say, and they didn't take me away before, and they don't take me away today.
Can you tell us a bit more about your time in the army?
In the army.
Yes, well what was different – can you tell us that?
In 1961 I joined the army. There was the same work there as on the smallholdings. That's all.
What about school? Can you tell us about that?
I finished my education. Well – we didn't go to school during the war. In 1945 I left school after the 7th year.
When you were in the army, was there such a thing as 'dedovshina' (abuse of younger conscripts)?
When I was in the army, that concept did not exist. I'm amazed by what happens today – there used to be none of that. There were rumours, but nothing like that.
Yes – as far as I know, it appeared in the 1980s. It was already happening when democratisation started.
Yes we call them democrats. What on earth is that then?
After the army what did you do?
I worked at the airport until I retired.
And during the war, since you were in occupied territory, you could have been refused employment – I mean, you might not be trusted
Well yes, they might not employ you.
Were there any particular difficulties?
No, I was employed by the state.
So you think that the state at that time looked after people better, that you had more social security.
Yes. In terms of accommodation, and in terms of schooling – you got a good education. Now, if you fall ill – you go off and die somewhere. What on earth is that.
Do you think that it had an effect on people that the Soviet Union was behind the Iron Curtain, that it was isolated from western society, from European countries?
Well that's what people say. But I don't know.
It didn't really affect society?
No.
What about forbidden literature?
We could get it if we wanted to, we just hid it.
So there was really nothing particularly shocking in your lifetime?
No.
Perhaps one of your acquaintances told you something about the repression?
No. There's not even the kolkhoz now. It's all been divided up and abandoned. The land is empty. Nothing's as it should be.
You think it was better then?
Yes, for me it was better then... But my children think the opposite.
We've forgotten one thing: can you tell us about religion?
Well, you know, at the beginning maybe some people believed in God. But I wasn't baptised and never believed. Some people might have thought there was a God, but no-one did anything or said anything.
So people didn't hide the fact... but were there people who went to church secretly?
No, they didn't go.
Were they allowed to?
Of course – go if you want. They even baptised their children.
What about during the war?
People weren't thinking about church then. We were dying from starvation after the war.
What about – in some places the churches were destroyed, vandalised, or made into dance clubs
I don't know. The church here stood as it has always stood.
Were you in the (communist) party?
No I wasn't... I was in the komsomol.
What else... So in general, your life has been comfortable, and you are glad to have lived much of it in the Soviet Union?
I lived in the Soviet Union and I would be happy to live in it again.

Afanaseva, Ekaterina Aleksandrovna

antarchi's picture

Novosokolniki

January 2007

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Today we're in the home of Ekaterina Aleksandrovna Afanaseva. We're from the school... we want to know about the history of our local region not from books, but from those who took part in in. We are interested in the periods before, during and immediately after the war...

I don't know – I've forgotten everything.

I mean, for example, how did people feel at that time? I mean – do you remember the 30s and 40s?

I got through the whole war, and what did God give me? Nothing. There were Germans, lots of them. They were holding Moscow, they were everywhere in Pskov as well.... And when they dropped bombs, we all lay down in trenches. There was a church next door to your house, just a bit further on, they were there for a long time. And we worked for the war, it was very hard.

And were you born in Novosokolniki? Who were your parents?

My parents lived not far from here, behind the forest, behind the school. When I got married, I used to go and visit them there. Father was a baker. His name was Aleksandr, my mother's was Tatiana. We had – mother had lots of children, 5 of us. Now two of my brothers are dead.

(They ask if she has any old photographs, then they asked about de-kulakisation, religion. Mostly she says she doesn't remember. Then they ask 'Can we photograph you?'

Oh children – no, don't do that!

Why not? We're going to write about you!

There were different people in power then, children. I talk badly, talk too much. Power was different then.

When the war started, did you used to go to church?

We went before the war, but when the war started, there was nowhere to go to.

You said the church was destroyed – do you know what happened to the priests?

No I don't know.

Were you baptised?

Of course I was! I'm baptised!

What did people do on festivals, holidays?

Walked, people walked at all the festivals. And then they ate well, better than now, and health was better. People went to church.

Did you have a passport during the war?

Of course I did! And there was one time when we had nowhere to live, and some people took us in – there were 7 of them in the family, just imagine that – 7 people, and we were 5. 5 of us, and Mama too, so 6 altogether. Then one old woman died, and there was typhus in the village – you know what that is. The Germans were in the village, they went right through our village. And whoever fell ill and died, they were taken off to the forest, they dug a huge pit, and everyone was thrown in there. From their family a small boy fell ill and then died. Everyone fell ill in the village, and then my mother and the woman we were living with, they started going round the village looking after people. I remember they put Mama in the corner, by the icon – I don't remember anything, didn't understand, but she lived. And then I started to get better slowly as well. Then we were put in the camp and we had to dig trenches. They sent us to the barracks – not barracks, tents. The beds were iron and we had to sleep on them. In the morning at 6 o'clock we were woken and we went off to work.

How long were you held in the camps?

I don't want to remember that. Some people sent me papers from Leningrad and I burnt them. I was there for about 3 months. Then our camp was destroyed. The camp was destroyed and we were caught and sent back again. And there was absolutely no work anywhere.

You spoke about your husband – tell us how you got married

We got married.. there were different sorts of men then, they were soldiers. Mama had 5 children, and then when our land was liberated, part of them went on further. They gave us 700 grammes of bread each, and soldiers got 900 grammes. That was alright for us, and alright for them. We ate while we moved. They bombed us. And Mama lived in a dug-out as well, with the lads – that's how they lived.

At work, were people punished for being late?

Not so much punished, but told off.

So for being late – that was very serious?

Very serious.

How long was a working day?

From 8 in the morning till 8 at night, and you take all your tools with you on the train. People used to carry everything, their spanners (kliuchi?) on their backs. I still have my labour book. (trudovaya knizhka)

Which were the most difficult years?

The war and after the war were difficult. There was famine. But it was fun: we used to get together and cook up anything.

If you compare those days with today, which is better and which is worse?

Well, children, it's good now. But it can be bad. Everyone's well fed now, overfed.

Was it hard with food products then?

Oh yes. Soldiers were given a small snack, and they had to work from 8 till 8. We marched on that. We marched on that and the military base – you know where that was? They've built a new one now, but there used to be another one. We marched, and we built that one, that was where we worked.

You built it yourselves?

Well – I mean we got everything ready and the soldiers did it, and we helped them get things ready. I was working there when I got married. Then the occupation ended. He was in the army, and we had nowhere to go after that.

But you married for love, didn't you?

I don't know.

Can you tell us what you think about Stalin himself?

Stalin... oh I don't remember. How many people died, grandfathers at the front, their children taken away. They sent everyone to the front, killed them.

Which events do you particularly remember?

Oh well – I was so glad when my father came home from the war. He was at the front. There were four of us – the fifth son died. And when my father came home, we could all celebrate. When he came home he could help us, and we all felt more cheerful.

Can you tell us what you think about today's young people?

Young people weren't like that in our day.

So they were very different?

Of course... I mean, they're not bad now, but not all of them. But then too – there were different sorts of people, everyone was different. Children today are very nice, good: some of them open the door for older people. They used to read more, but today people are different – rich, and they ought to read more. They have too much now. Only it's difficult: you have to pay so much for everything. I cry half the time.

Whose fault do you think it was – what happened?

When the war started – well who else, when Germany suddenly ...

You mean they started it

Of course. Germany struck us, invaded. There were so many wounded soldiers then. They were brought in wagons, and evacuees, and then back again.

Thank you so much for your time, for everything you have told us

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